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How the 'peaceful atom' became a serial killer The nuclear industry practises a snake-oil culture of habitual misrepresentation, pervasive wishful thinking, deep denial, and occasional outright deception, says Chip Ward. WHEN nuclear reactors blow, the first thing that melts down is the truth. Just as in the Chernobyl catastrophe 25 years ago when Soviet authorities denied the extent of radiation and downplayed the dire situation that was spiralling out of control, Japanese authorities spent the first week of the Fukushima crisis issuing conflicting and confusing reports. We were told that radiation levels were up, then down, then up, but nobody aside from those Japanese bureaucrats could verify the levels and few trusted their accuracy. The situation is under control, they told us, but workers are being evacuated. There is no danger of contamination, but stay inside and seal your doors. The first atomic snow job The
bureaucratisation of horror into bland and reassuring pronouncements
was to be expected, especially from an industry where misinformation
is the rule. Although you might suppose that the nuclear industry's
outstanding characteristic would be its expertise, since it's loaded
with junior Einsteins who grasp the math and physics required to master
the most awesomely sophisticated technology humans have ever created,
think again. Based on the record, its most outstanding characteristic
is a fundamental dishonesty. I learned that the hard way as a grassroots
activist organising opposition to a scheme hatched by a consortium of
nuclear utilities to park thousands of tons of highly radioactive fuel
rods, like the ones now burning at Here's
what I took away from that experience: the nuclear industry is a snake-oil
culture of habitual misrepresentation, pervasive wishful thinking, deep
denial, and occasional outright deception. For more than 50 years, it
has habitually lied about risks and costs while covering up every violation
and failure it could. Whether or not its proponents and spokespeople
are dishonest or merely deluded can be debated, but the outcome - dangerous
misinformation and the meltdown of honest civic discourse - remains
the same, as we once again see at Established at the dawn of the nuclear age, the pattern of dissemblance had become a well-worn rut long before the Japanese reactors spun out of control. In the early 1950s, the disciples of nuclear power, or the 'peaceful atom' as it was then called, insisted that nuclear power would soon become so cheap and efficient that it would be offered to consumers for free. Visionaries that they were, they suggested that cities would be constructed with building materials impregnated with uranium so that snow removal would be unnecessary. Atomic bombs, they urged, should be used to carve out new coastal harbours for ships. In low doses, they swore, radiation was actually beneficial to one's health. Such notions and outright fantasies, as well as propaganda for a new industry and a new way of war - even if laughable today - had tragic results back then. Thousands of American GIs, for instance, were marched into ground zero just after above-ground nuclear tests had been set off to observe their responses to what military planners assumed would be the atomic battlefield of the future. Ignorance, it turns out, is not bliss, and thousands of those soldiers later became ill. Many died young. Unwary
civilians who lived downwind of How unlikely risks become inevitable In
the future, today's low-risk claims from industry advocates will undoubtedly
seem as tragically nave as yesterday's false claims. Yes, the likelihood
that any specific nuclear power plant reactor will melt down may be
slim indeed - which hardly means inconceivable - but to act as though
nuclear risks are limited to the operation of power plants is misleading
in the extreme. 'Spent fuel' from reactors (the kind burning in Spent fuel continues to pile up in a nuclear waste stream that will have to be closely managed and monitored for eons, so long that those designing nuclear-waste repositories struggle with the problem of signage that might be intelligible in a future so distant today's languages may not be understood. You might think that a danger virulent enough to outlast human languages would be a danger to avoid, but the hubris of the nuclear establishment is equal to its willingness to deceive. A natural disaster, accident, or terrorist attack that might be statistically unlikely in any year or decade becomes ever more likely at the half-century, century, or half-millennium mark. Given enough time, in fact, the unlikely becomes almost inevitable. Even if you and I are not the victims of some future apocalyptic disturbance of that lethal residue, to consign our children, grandchildren, or great-grandchildren to such peril is plainly and profoundly immoral. Nuclear
proponents have long wanted to limit the discussion of risk to plant
operation alone, not to the storage of dangerous wastes, and they remain
eager to ignore altogether the risks inherent in transporting nuclear
waste (often called 'mobile Chernobyl' by nuclear critics). Moving those
spent fuel rods to future repositories represents a rarely acknowledged
category of potential catastrophe. Just imagine a trainload of hot nuclear
waste derailing catastrophically along a major urban corridor with the
ensuing evacuations of nearby inhabitants. It means, in essence, that
one of those Risk
is about more than likelihood; it's also about impact. If I tell you
that your chances of being bitten by a mosquito as you cross my yard
are one in a hundred, you'll think of that risk differently than if
I give you the same odds on a deadly pit viper. As events unfold in
Hidden costs and wasted subsidies The true costs of nuclear power are another subject carefully fudged and obscured by nuclear power advocates. From its inception in federally funded labs, nuclear power has been highly subsidised. A recent report by the Union of Concerned Scientists found that 'more than 30 subsidies have supported every stage of the nuclear fuel cycle from uranium mining to long-term waste storage. Added together, these subsidies have often exceeded the average market price for the power produced.' When it comes to producing electricity, these subsidies are so extensive, the report concludes, that 'in some cases it would have cost taxpayers less to simply buy the kilowatts on the open market and give them away.' If the nuclear club in Congress, led by Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, gets its way, billions more in subsidies will be forthcoming, including massive federal loan guarantees to build the next generation of nuclear plants. These are particularly important to the industry, since bankers won't otherwise touch projects that are notorious for mammoth cost overruns, lengthy delays, and abrupt cancellations. The Obama administration has already proposed an additional $36 billion in such guarantees to underwrite new plant construction. That includes $4 billion for the construction of two new nuclear reactors on the Gulf Coast that are to be operated in partnership with Tokyo Electric Power Company - that's right, the very outfit that runs the Fukushima complex. Yet when I debate nuclear advocates, they always claim that, in cost terms, nuclear power outcompetes alternative sources of energy like wind and solar. That
government gravy train doesn't just stop at new power plants either.
The feds have long assumed the epic costs of waste management and storage.
If another multi-billion-dollar project like the now-abandoned Finally,
the recently renewed Price-Anderson Nuclear Industries Indemnity Act
limits the liability of nuclear utilities should a catastrophe like
the one in Finally, nuclear power boosters like to proclaim themselves 'green' and to claim that their industry is the ideal antidote to global warming since it produces no greenhouse gas emissions. In doing so, they hide the real environmental footprint of nuclear energy. It's
quite true that no carbon dioxide comes out of power-plant smokestacks.
However, maintaining any future infrastructure to handle the industry's
toxic waste is guaranteed to produce lots of carbon dioxide. So does
mining uranium and processing it into fuel rods, building massive reactors
from concrete and steel, and then behemoth repositories capable of holding
waste for 1,000 years. Radiation from the The watchdogs play dead Over
the course of nuclear power's history, there have been scores of mishaps,
accidents, violations, and problems that, chances are, you've never
heard about. Beyond the unavoidable bad PR over the partial meltdown
at Three Mile Island in 1979, the In
the A
report by the Union of Concerned Scientists, 'The NRC and Nuclear Power
Plant Safety in 2010', which highlights the NRC's haphazard record of
inspection and enforcement, makes clear just why the honour system that
assumes utilities will honestly report problems has never worked. It
describes 14 recent serious 'near miss' violations that initially went
unreported. At the Indian Point Nuclear Power Plant, only 38 miles north
of the After
a leaking roof forced the shutdown of two reactors at the Calvert Cliffs
nuclear facility in The
regulation of In
the wake of the Stay tuned, since more examples of reckless management will surely come to light... Risk is not a math problem That culture of secrecy is a logical fit for an industry that is authoritarian by nature. Unlike solar or wind power, nuclear power requires massive investments of capital, highly specialised expertise, robust security, and centralised control. Any local citizen facing the impact of a uranium mine, a power plant, or a proposed waste depository will attest that the owners, operators, and regulators of the industry are remote, unresponsive, and inaccessible. They misinform because they have the power to get away with it. The absence of meaningful checks and balances enables them. Risk, anti-nuclear advocates quickly learn, is not simply some complicated math problem to be resolved by experts. Risk is, above all, a question of who is put at risk for whose benefit, of how the rewards, costs, and liabilities of an activity are distributed and whether that distribution is fair. Those are political questions that citizens directly affected should be answering for themselves. When it comes to nuclear power, that doesn't happen because the industry is undemocratic to its core. Corporate officers treat downwind stakeholders with the same contempt they reserve for honest accountings of the industry's costs and dangers. It may be difficult for the average citizen to unpack the technicalities of nuclear power, or understand the complex physics and engineering involved in splitting atoms to make steam to produce electricity. But most of us are good at detecting bullshit. We know when something like the nuclear industry doesn't pass the smell test. There is a growing realisation that our carbon-based energy system is warming and endangering this planet, but replacing coal and oil with nuclear power is like trading heroin for crack - different addictions, but no less unhealthy or risky. The 'nuclear renaissance', like the 'peaceful atom' before it, is the energy equivalent of a three-card monte game, involving the same capitalist crooks who gave us oil spills, bank bailouts, and so many of the other rip-offs and scams that have plagued our lives in this new century. They are serial killers. Stop them before they kill again. Credibility counts and you don't need a PhD or a Geiger counter to detect it. Chip Ward was a founder of HEAL Utah, a grassroots group that has led the opposition to the disposal of nuclear waste in Utah and the construction of a new reactor next to Green River. He is the author of Canaries on the Rim: Living Downwind in the West and Hope's Horizon: Three Visions for Healing the American Land. This article is reproduced from TomDispatch.com. * |
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