Cancun
texts adopted, overriding Bolivia's
objections
Despite the strong dissenting
vote of Bolivia,
the 2010 United Nations climate change conference in Cancun
adopted two draft documents (dubbed by the Mexican presidency of the
conference as 'the Cancun Agreements') at its concluding session on
11 December. Meena Raman reports.
TWO decisions under the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Kyoto
Protocol, which the Mexican host government dubbed as 'the Cancun Agreements',
were adopted in the early hours of 11 December morning by the UN climate
change conference held in this Mexican resort city, despite a lack of
consensus following objections by Bolivia to their adoption.
The outcome was heralded by
Mexican Foreign Affairs Minister, Patricia Espinosa, who presided over
the Cancun climate conference, as 'a
new era of international cooperation on climate change'. The conference
comprised two main meetings, the 16th meeting of the Conference of the
Parties to the UNFCCC (COP16) and the 6th Conference of the Parties
serving as the Meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (CMP6).
The two draft documents had
been put together by the Mexican presidency of the conference, and were
'clean texts' (without square brackets, which would have indicated a
lack of consensus on the bracketed text, or options). They were issued
on a 'take it or leave it' basis as a final package, and not as drafts
for possible amendments.
The documents were initially
presented by Espinosa at an informal plenary meeting of the COP and
CMP convened at 6 pm on 10 December. Delegates were given three hours
to review the texts before the next informal plenary at 9.15 pm. The
first plenary had been scheduled at 8.30 am but the draft texts were
not ready.
The draft text for the Ad Hoc
Working Group under the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP) outcome was issued around
noon, while that for the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative
Action (AWG-LCA) was distributed at around 5 pm. The notes at the front
of each of the draft texts stated that the documents 'had been prepared
in direct response to requests from Parties urging the President to
present a text that covers all the issues and paints the whole picture
of the outcome'.
Bolivian opposition
At the later informal plenary
of the COP/CMP which started at 9.15 pm, Espinosa said that these texts
were the product of a collective exercise of drafting and that any change
needed the support of others. At the start of this informal plenary,
and at various times of the night, Espinosa received a standing ovation
from large sections of the participants, and there was an atmosphere
of near-euphoria. This was understood to be a sign by advocates of the
documents to urge all delegations to adopt them.
However, there was not unanimity,
as Bolivia raised strong objections to the adoption of both the documents,
first at the informal plenary of the COP/CMP, then at the formal sessions
of the AWG-KP and AWG-LCA and then at the final plenary meetings of
the COP and the CMP (see boxes). Bolivia's
Ambassador to the United Nations in New
York, Pablo Solon, presented detailed reasons
why he found both texts unacceptable.
While many delegations urged
for the documents to be adopted without changes, some requested that
Bolivia
should be allowed to voice its concerns in the spirit of inclusiveness.
Bolivia
insisted that there was no consensus as it objected to the documents.
However, Espinosa gavelled both decisions, signifying adoption, after
indicating that the objection from one delegation did not constitute
a lack of consensus.
After the adoption of the documents,
Norway said that
many in the audience shared Bolivia's concerns but these concerns
could be addressed in years to come and that this was not the final
agreement but a major step in the right direction.
Many countries, both developed
and developing, expressed support for the two texts, saying that they
reflected balance, pragmatism and compromises, while many also used
qualifications such as that they were 'imperfect' or that they felt
'guarded optimism'.
Countries' statements
These views were a reflection
of statements made at the informal plenary held earlier.
In that meeting, Grenada
welcomed the texts for adoption, saying that though they were imperfect,
the 'perfect should not be the enemy of the good'. The Minister from
Grenada said it was
'not a done deal but we can say we leave Cancun
with something we can live with'.
Switzerland,
speaking for the Environmental Integrity Group, said that the solution
was a compromise. Australia,
indicating support for the AWG-LCA outcome, called it well-balanced.
Nicaragua (referring to Bolivia's concerns) said that it was
important to make last efforts to hear positions of all Parties with
flexibility and mutual understanding. Saudi Arabia agreed on the need for
all Parties to be included to agree, and that the two working groups
could discuss minor details and thus guarantee that all Parties can
agree.
Lesotho,
for the least developed countries (LDCs), said the package laid a good
foundation for further work at the next COP in Durban, South Africa
(to be held in December 2011). It supported the recognition for the
adequate treatment of the issue of vulnerability, the adaptation framework
and committee and the establishment of the Green Climate Fund, and applauded
the inclusion of LDCs in the Transitional Committee of the Fund.
Cuba,
referring to the Bolivian leadership of President Evo Morales, said
that it represents the demands of the indigenous peoples of the Americas.
It said that Bolivia
speaks on behalf of movements in Latin America
and therefore deserves attention.
Cuba
expressed dissatisfaction with the text of the AWG-LCA. It said that
the text did not have clear greenhouse gas emission reduction goals.
Referring to the pledges under the Copenhagen Accord, it said that the
emissions could rise by 6% compared to 1990 levels (taking into account
the loopholes) and could lead to a temperature rise of 2.5 to 5 degrees
Celsius. It expressed profound concerns over the document. It said that
it is key to have the second commitment period under the Kyoto Protocol.
On the issue of finance, it said the language in the document was ambiguous
on the source of the $100 billion for the Green Climate Fund.
India's
Minister of Environment, Jairam Ramesh, quoted a Mexican hero as saying
that Mexico is 'far from God', but coming
from a country that had many Goddeses, he would say that a Goddess had
been present that night. He said Espinosa had restored confidence in
the multilateral process at a time when confidence was at a historical
low. He said that Parties could confidently look ahead and approach
the challenge of climate change in a spirit of constructive compromise.
He said that not all Parties had gained and that all had compromised.
Espinosa, in response, said
that Ramesh's proposals had been key to unlocking difficult gridlocks
in the negotiations.
Singapore
said the text was not perfect but in any negotiations, not everyone
will get what they want. It said that there were some missing elements
that would need to be clarified. It said the document was not the end
but a step forward for a legally binding outcome in Durban.
European Union (EU) Climate
Commissioner, Connie Hedegaard, said that multilateralism had shown
results. The EU came to Cancun hoping
for a balanced package that has been achieved.
Bangladesh
said that the text did not fully reflect the concerns of LDCs. Nevertheless,
it was a good outcome, as there was agreement on the adaptation framework
and committee and the Green Climate Fund.
The US
said that the text was not perfect but it provided a good basis to move
forward. Parties had agreed to launch the Green Climate Fund; there
was a technology mechanism and progress in adaptation and on the issue
of reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation (REDD); and
the anchoring of mitigation pledges and a system of MRV (measuring,
reporting and verification) and an ICA
(international consultation and analysis).
The Philippines
commented on the process and said that there was confusion that enveloped
the venues and postponement of meetings. It received the text with guarded
optimism. It said that the Green Climate Fund constituted progress.
Kenya
said that the text was not a perfect text but was a delicate balance.
China,
represented by Minister Xie Zhenhua, said that Parties had demonstrated
good political will for a balanced result. The texts provided a sound
basis for future negotiations. There were shortcomings but it was satisfied
that the negotiations had adhered to the Bali Roadmap.
Afghanistan
said that though it had concerns in relation to the issue of finance
and the vulnerability of mountainous systems, it was flexible in making
progress. Japan expressed support for the text.
Algeria,
on behalf of the African Group, said that confidence in the multilateral
system was shown. The text did not meet all its expectations but it
could support it.
Ecuador
said that it did not like all the results and said that Parties must
redouble their efforts to ensure the health of the planet. It stressed
the need for the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol to be
confirmed and to come into effect after 2012. It said that the Green
Fund should be established and for effective technology transfer, it
was important to have flexibilities as regards intellectual property
rights. It supported the observations of Bolivia
on the various deficiencies in the text and said that it must be improved.
Zambia
thanked Mexico for lifting the spirits from the depression
of Copenhagen
and for restoring confidence in the multilateral process.
Brazil
said that the document was balanced in essence although not perfect
and there was a sense of realism and pragmatism.
After the documents had been
adopted, a few countries, notably Cuba and Ecuador, raised concerns over several
issues in the texts. Several countries also said that following the
failure to reach agreement at the previous UN climate conference in
Copenhagen, the Cancun outcome
restored confidence in the multilateral process. Other countries were
even more upbeat. Australia
called the agreements 'a game-changing moment'.
The mood among many delegations
appeared to be that the texts should be adopted in order to avoid the
collapse of another climate conference, following the failure at Copenhagen
last year. Several delegates privately said that another failure would
further dent the image of the UNFCCC and multilateralism, and that it
would be difficult for the talks to regain momentum. In this atmosphere
of having 'all or nothing', many developing countries decided to go
along with the drafts even though they had concerns on various parts.
The highlight of the long night's
proceedings was an intense exchange between the COP president and the
Bolivian delegation over the president's gavelling of the decisions
as being adopted despite the objection, giving rise to argument as to
what the meaning of consensus was. In the practice of the UNFCCC, decisions
have been taken on the basis of consensus.
Bolivia's
Ambassador Solon said that consensus required the absence of explicit
rejection or objection to a decision proposed for adoption and that
consensus did not mean a majority being in favour of adopting a decision.
In contrast, Mexico's
Foreign Minister Espinosa was of the view that consensus did not mean
unanimity or a right of a Party to veto a decision.
Joining the exchange on this
issue was US
climate envoy Todd Stern, who supported the adoption of the agreements
and suggested that the 'practice in this body has been general agreement
rather than consensus'.
At the conclusion of the Cancun
meetings, Mexican President Felipe Calderon said that 'a good agreement
is one in which all Parties are left equally dissatisfied.'
Meena Raman is a legal adviser
and senior researcher with the Third World Network. The above is an edited version of an
article which appeared in the South-North Development Monitor (SUNS,
No. 7060, 14 December 2010), which is published by TWN.
The CMP final plenary
meeting
WHEN the draft decision
on the Kyoto Protocol process under the AWG-KP was presented by
conference president Patricia Espinosa for adoption under the
CMP, Bolivia
gave its reasons why it was opposed to the decision. Bolivian
Ambassador Pablo Solon said that this decision did not represent
a step forward but was a step backwards, as what was being done
was to postpone indefinitely a decision under the Kyoto Protocol
and it opened the doors to a regime which will be flexible and
voluntary for a pledge-and-review approach and not a system where
all Annex I Parties (developed countries) will fulfil a set target.
Referring to paragraph
3 of the text where Parties took note of 'quantified economy wide
emission reduction targets to be implemented by Annex I Parties
as communicated by them and contained in document FCCC/SB/2010/INF
X', Solon said that this document did not exist and that Parties
'do not know what these commitments will be and if these commitments
will lead to a stabilisation of greenhouse gas emissions which
will be sustainable for human life and plants'.
He added that if what
was being referred to in the document were the Copenhagen Accord
pledges, this would only amount to a 13-17% reduction in emissions
compared to 1990 levels, which will lead to a temperature rise
of 4 degrees Celsius.
[Earlier, at the 9.15
pm informal plenary COP/CMP meeting held by Espinosa, Solon said
that such a temperature level could lead to a situation of 'genocide
and ecocide'. Bolivia
could not agree to an agreement 'which will put more human lives
in a situation close to death'. Bolivia
had come to Cancun to ensure
that there would be a decision to guarantee a second commitment
period under the Kyoto Protocol and this document did not guarantee
that.]
Solon, at the CMP plenary,
said that his government wanted modifications to the text which
was received just hours ago and which it was asked to adopt without
any modification or amendment. 'If the document represented a
step forward, we would have supported it. What is going to emerge
is not a stronger regime for reducing emissions in mitigation
but a voluntary regime which is less demanding on developed countries
that are responsible for global warming,' he added. 'We represent
a small country which has principles and will not sell our country
and we speak with the peoples of the world. There is no consensus
for approval of this document.'
In response, Espinosa
said that the text was the result of collective work and the concerns
of Bolivia
would be reflected on the record. She then said that if there
was no other opinion on this, the text would be approved. She
gavelled and announced the adoption of the decision.
Solon took the floor
again and said that consensus meant that no state was explicitly
stating objection or rejection to the decision.
He added: 'You cannot
say there is consensus. You can only take note. This is an attempt
to violate rules of the Convention and the United Nations. Consensus
is not by a majority. There must be an absence of explicit rejection
of a decision. Despite our objection, the decision was adopted.
We are going to apply to all international bodies to preserve
the rules of consensus. We came here to negotiate and not to gavel
an injustice. Not even in Copenhagen was this done and there was respect
for the rule of consensus. The (Copenhagen)
presidency did not have the gall to hammer through a decision.
Now, there is a violation of rule. This is an unhappy conclusion.
I ask you to review your decision and return to the path of law.'
In response, Espinosa
said that on the matter of procedure, consensus did not mean unanimity,
and far less did it mean the right of veto. At this point, she
said that she could not disregard the request of 193 Parties to
adopt the decision which had been duly adopted. - Meena
Raman
|
The COP final plenary
meeting
AT the final session
of the COP, Parties were asked to adopt the decision of the AWG-LCA.
Representing Bolivia,
Rene Orellana said that his delegation had already given their
arguments at the meeting of the AWG-LCA for why they could not
agree to the forwarding of the proposed draft text for adoption
by the COP .
He said Bolivia
had opposed the approval, as the text did not represent the discussions
in which they had been engaged. He stressed that Bolivia was in no way expressing the
right of veto. Bolivia
had asked for an opportunity to discuss issues with technical
arguments, scientific data and legal arguments and not political
positions. It said that it respected those who opposed its views
but felt that its positions had not been properly considered.
He asked the president to respect the formal mechanism for approval.
He said that in relation
to the issue of technology transfer, Bolivia had wanted Parties to address
the issue of intellectual property rights (IPRs). As a compromise
to the various proposals on IPRs on the table, Bolivia
said that it had requested for at least a workshop to be held
and a process for discussions to begin in 2011 on the IPR issue.
Even this basic proposal was disregarded and he questioned how
democratic this process was. Bolivia
wanted a formal process where doors were not closed to the proposals
it had presented.
Espinosa said that the
concerns of Bolivia
would be reflected in the record of the COP and proceeded to gavel
the adoption of the agreement.
[Earlier, at the session
of the AWG-LCA (chaired by Margaret Mukahanana-Sangarwe of Zimbabwe)
to consider the draft text, Solon had elaborated on Bolivia's opposition. He said that
Parties did not mandate anyone to produce the document, and that
the 13 August text was the negotiating text which contained Parties'
positions. On substance, Bolivia
could not support the 2 degree Celsius temperature-increase goal,
as according to various studies, this would mean a 3 degree Celsius
situation for Africa. Referring
to the fourth assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change, he said a 2 degree Celsius target would mean
a 50% chance of stabilising the climate; no one would send his
or her child on a plane if it had a 50% chance of crashing.
[He referred to the text
on the mitigation commitments of developed countries where paragraph
36 refers to taking note of 'quantified economy wide emission
reduction targets to be implemented by Annex I Parties as communicated
by them and contained in a document FCCC/SB/2010/INF X'. He said
that this document was yet to exist and that it was not possible
to have a decision that states that the list is to be drawn up
later. He asked how much the commitment of reductions was and
over what period of time and upon what baseline. 'This is the
crux and must be circulated so we know what is being listed. We
cannot come here and have a blank cheque where the Annex I Parties
fill up whatever they want which is not related to the shared
vision.'
[Solon said that on the
financial mechanism, the text states that $100 billion per year
would be mobilised by 2020 but does not state whether this will
come from developed countries or from the carbon markets. Referring
to the Green Climate Fund to be established, Solon said that however
well-designed a Fund is, it cannot be effective without funds.
Further, the text invites the World Bank to serve as the interim
trustee and Bolivia
could not accept this, as the Bank was an institution dominated
by donors.
[On technology transfer,
Solon said that the new Technology Executive Committee to be established
is not even able to address IPR issues. He said that for most
clean technologies, 70-80% of that is in the hands of developed
countries and it is they who hold the patents.]
Australia
said that the package of decisions adopted in Cancun
was a game-changing moment for the climate regime. Pakistan said that the agreement reflected
pragmatism and hope. It cannot satisfy all Parties but it was
no doubt a decisive step to the future. It also stressed the need
for a more solid outcome by adopting a second commitment period
for Annex I Parties under the Kyoto Protocol. - Meena Raman
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*Third World Resurgence No. 244, December
2010, pp 12-15
|