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'We
bend, but we don't break': Fighting for a just reconstruction in The
agony of the people of A POPULAR Haitian saying goes, 'We are bamboo. We bend, but we don't break.' This expression of resolve in the face of adversity has been in wide circulation since the 12 January earthquake, taking on even greater meaning. The number of Haitians killed by one of the most destructive disasters in world history is unknown; estimates range from 250,000 to 350,000. Just under two million people were rendered homeless, displaced, or dispossessed, according to the United Nations. For those already exiled to the absolute margin of survival, the socio-economic impacts of the disaster are incalculable. In earthquake-hit areas, the vulnerable almost invariably lost some combination of family members, homes, personal belongings, merchandise, or whatever else might have given them a little protection from hunger, suffering, and death. Even
before the earthquake, Chain of solidarity By far the single largest force of rescuers and first responders during the quake's aftermath was ordinary citizens who responded spontaneously and without reward. Neighbours worked together to dig out survivors from collapsed buildings, usually with only their hands or whatever implements they could improvise. They unearthed corpses, set up brigades to clear rubble, and organised security teams in neighbourhoods and camps. 'We've shared our pain and our suffering,' said Mesita Attis of the market women's support group Martyred Women of Brave Ayibobo. 'If you heard your baby in the ruins crying "Mommy, Mommy, Mommy", 14 people would run to help you. If you don't have a piece of bread, someone will give you theirs.' The aid and accompaniment responses are based in the long tradition of solidarity that has kept this resource-poor people alive for centuries. Not long after the quake, Yolette Etienne, director of Oxfam Great Britain-Haiti, commented: 'The tremendous chain of solidarity of the people we saw from the day of the earthquake on: That is our capacity. That is our victory. That is our heart. From the first hour Haitians engaged in every type of solidarity imaginable - one supporting the other, one helping the other, one saving the other. If any of us is alive today, we can say that it's thanks to this solidarity.' Beyond the immediate aftermath, family members, neighbours, and strangers have assumed the bulk of caregiving for hungry, wounded, homeless, and abandoned survivors. In areas directly damaged, as well as those to which survivors have fled, people have pooled their time, belongings, and funds. They have shared food, sheets, and tarps; looked after the injured and ill; provided child-care; given money for medicine; kept a protective eye out for women and children who are at a high risk of being assaulted; and taken in orphaned and abandoned children. Judith Simeon, an organiser with peasant and women's groups, echoed what many of the others said: 'Everyone was helping everyone. What people had, they shared with others. It was truly those who had nothing who did the most. It was our citizen obligation to take care of those who needed it.' But given the magnitude of the disaster, these efforts by ordinary Haitians have not been enough to help everyone. Neither has international aid, which, according to hundreds of interviews and months of observation, has yet to significantly address any of the needs of vast swathes of earthquake-hit populations. Although a remarkable $9.9 billion in aid has been given or pledged by individuals and organisations throughout the world, there is a huge gap between the dollars and international posturing around aid, on the one hand, and the population in need, on the other. As of early June, hundreds of people in refugee camps reported that they had received little - some rice, perhaps a tent - to nothing at all. In this context, some peasant, student, neighbourhood, and other groups have turned the solidarity into more formal, organised programmes. They are providing shelter, medical care, community mental health care, food, water, children's activities, leisure activities, security, and support for much-needed agricultural production. To cite just one among many diverse responses, the peasant organisation TŠt Kole Ti Peyizan Ayisyen in the rural region of Piatte employs a three-part strategy: taking people into their homes; bringing food to other homes that are housing internally displaced people; and bringing the fruits of their fields, like bananas and peas, to camps in Port-au-Prince. The outpouring of community-based assistance and support is a useful reminder of the collective resilience and resourcefulness that are key to Haitian culture. 'In Haitian families, the way they socialise children, they give a lot of importance to the capacity of endurance,' said psychologist Lenz Jean-Fran‡ois. 'They teach children to always be ready for a tough situation, and to struggle to hold their dignity.' 'Constructing the country' The
grassroots approaches offer a different vision and practice of what
'humanitarian' can mean when it is embedded in aid given with respect,
dignity, and a commitment to equity. And the approaches serve as a guide
to what a society that privileges mutual aid over profit, and democratic
participation over domination, could look like in The Haitian popular movement has set for itself the formidable task of addressing not only the ongoing humanitarian crisis among refugees, but also the reconstruction effort as a whole. Yannick Etienne of Workers' Struggle said, 'We have the opportunity as a movement to continue our organisational work, to push for social justice, and to unify the people to take change into their hands. We still have the remnants of an organised people; they didn't all die under the debris.' Social movements have moved forward in creating coalitions, shaping their own alternative plans for the country's future, and mapping out their advocacy strategies. Dozens of interviews with social movement leaders and numerous declarations reveal a clearly emerging consensus. First, it includes full participation of those who are usually denied both input into public policy formation and benefit of the fruits of those policies: peasant farmers, sweatshop workers, informal-sector workers, destitute women, and others. Second, it establishes greater justice and equity as the ends of what grassroots organisations call 'constructing the country', as opposed to reconstructing it, since few are served by re-creating the gross levels of mass poverty and social exclusion that existed before the earthquake. As early as 13 February and at least on three later occasions, more than 50 NGOs and grassroots organisations devoted to a variety of issues (alternative development, women's rights) and representing various sectors (rural people, youth) met in Port-au-Prince to advance these ends. Their declaration read in part: '[We have] decided to launch a national and international campaign to bring forth another vision of how to redevelop this country, a vision based on people-to-people solidarity to develop the opportunity now facing this country to raise up another Haiti. We [want] to build a social force which can establish a reconstruction plan where the fundamental problems of the people take first priority. These include: housing, environment, food, education, literacy, work, and health for all; a plan to wipe out exploitation, poverty, and social and economic inequality; and a plan to construct a society which is based on social justice.'1 The social movement's priorities are as follows: 1.
Creating participatory democracy. This has been at the heart of demands
from the moment 2.
Rebuilding under a new economic paradigm, one that breaks free of unfair
trade rules under which food and many other basics are imported, and
a coveted job is in a sweatshop earning $3 per day. Social movements
are adamant that 3. Protecting the environment. This is connected to constructing a new economic model, putting people and the earth before capital, and protecting life from commodification. Central to social movements' advocacy is tough environmental regulations for industry, which are today virtually non-existent. Also central are solar electricity, solar ovens, reforestation, integrated water-management systems, and an agricultural system that privileges the small-scale production of diverse, organic food. 4. Putting social needs at the centre. As articulated in a meeting of women from the Commission of Women Victims for Victims from their new home in refugee camps, those needs are, in a rough ranking of priority: housing, food, health care, education, and work. 5. Prioritising agriculture. Peasant and other organisations insist that the government must invest in and offer active support to small-scale agriculture, and that foreign food aid must be reined in to give Haitian farmers a chance to compete. They are also adamant that trade policies must protect small-farmer production to create food sovereignty, the right of a nation to produce locally for local consumption. Only 4% of the funds outlined in the Haitian government's Post-Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) are earmarked for agriculture. 'The government is giving away the whole country,' said Doudou Pierre of both the Peasant Movement of Papay and Vˇa Campesina. 'We are for family agriculture that respects the environment, but for that we must have government support and we must have land.' 6. Ensuring women's and children's rights. In the fragile and dangerous post-catastrophe environment, social and economic rights for women and children must be front and centre. According to surveys conducted by the Commission of Women Victims for Victims, rape and violence are escalating, so increased security is critical. Malya Villard, an organiser with the commission, said, 'The government didn't respect our rights even before the Presidential Palace was destroyed, even before the Palace of Justice was destroyed. We need those rights in the reconstruction.' A
corollary of these priorities is generating what Camille Chalmers, director
of the Haitian Platform to Advocate Alternative Development (PAPDA),
called 'people-to-people solidarity, not that solidarity that nation-states
use in order to dominate the people'. Horizontal alliances will continue
to be important over the coming years to help Haitians ensure full rights
for all; gain different trade policy that does not undermine but develops
labour rights, environmental standards, and food sovereignty; ensure
that government policy privileges human need for all over profit for
some; and create space for women's full rights and power. And the voices
and energy of people in the Excluded Despite
their advocacy, the Haitian people, together with their government,
have been bypassed in the planning and oversight of how aid money is
spent and in reconstruction policies. The international donors' forums
in The Haitian government receives one cent of every dollar that has come in since the earthquake and is not consulted on the rest, according to the Associated Press. 'The NGOs don't tell us . . . where the money's coming from or how they are spending it,' Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive was quoted as saying.3 On
15 April, the Haitian Parliament formally ceded its powers over finances
and reconstruction to a foreign-led Interim Commission for the Reconstruction
of Haiti (CIRH) for the next 18 months. The CIRH's mandate is to direct
the post-earthquake reconstruction of Most
members on the CIRH are foreign. The criterion for becoming a foreign
voting member is that the institution or country has contributed at
least $100 million during two consecutive years or has cancelled at
least $200 million in debt. Others who have given less may share a seat.
The Organisation of American States and NGOs working in The
CIRH is headed by UN Special Envoy Bill Clinton and Bellerive. The only
accountability or oversight measure is Haitian President Ren‚ Pr‚val's
veto power. Few expect him to use his veto, both because his record
is not one of challenging the international aid apparatus and because
of possible repercussions, in terms of the dollar flow, by the CIRH.
According to Antonal Mortin‚, the executive secretary of the Haitian
Platform of Human Rights Organisations, the CIRH has made While
the international community excludes the Haitian state from reconstruction
and the Parliament even votes to exclude itself, so the Haitian state
excludes its people. The government has failed to invoke even token
discussions with civil society, except informally with some businesspeople
and a few NGOs that do not represent a base. One indicator is the citizenry's
inability to provide input into their government's strategic plan of
long-term development based on the PDNA. The government of The agenda for a just Haitian future is monumental in the best of times. Today it is being shaped by people who still may be accommodating themselves to the fact that their child or mother, not seen since 12 January, is dead. It is being shaped by people who are living in tents in squalid, dangerous camps. It is being shaped by people who are profoundly traumatised and have no access to mental health care. It may be that their suffering sharpens the determination to have their needs met in a context of social and economic justice and democracy. That is the perspective, at least, of Ricot Jean-Pierre, director of advocacy for PAPDA. 'Sadness can't discourage us so that we stop fighting,' he said. 'We've lost people as in all battles, but we have to continue fighting to honour them and make their dreams a reality. The dream is translated into a slogan: Another Haiti Is Possible.' Beverly
Bell has worked with movements for democracy, women's rights, and economic
justice in Endnotes 1. 'The Position of Various
Public Organisations and Institutions After the Catastrophe of January
12,' 2. Quoted in 'Planning the Haitian Renaissance,' Newsweek, 1 April 2010. 3. Jonathan Katz, 'Billions
for
*Third World Resurgence No. 242/243, October-November 2010, pp 43-46 |
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