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TWN Info Service on Free
Trade Agreements
10 September 2007
UNCTAD warns of dangers of North-South FTAs
The UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in its latest report
warned developing countries to think carefully before negotiating bilateral
trade agreements with developed countries as such deals may be more
costly than expected.
Its annual Trade and Development Report said such agreements may offer
transitory gains in terms of market access and higher foreign direct
investment, but they may also limit government action that can play
an important role for the medium- and long-term growth of competitive
industries.
The report also details a number of non-trade areas in which FTAs with
developed countries will particularly hurt developing countries. They
include: the opening up of procurement business to foreigners; the liberalization
of services; and intellectual property rights.
UNCTAD warned that bilateral and regional deals threaten the coherence
of the multilateral trading system and may limit the benefits of existing
regional cooperation arrangements among developing countries.
The report counselled that instead of subscribing to North-South FTAs,
developing countries should examine other areas of cooperation with
partners in the same geographical region and at a similar level of economic
development.
This could help strengthen their own strategies for national development
and integration into the global economy, building on the advantages
of proximity, similarity of interests and economic complementarity,
it said.
The article below, which is reproduced with the permission of the South-North
Development Monitor (SUNS) Issue#6319 10 September 2007, outlines the
findings of the report.
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South-North Development Monitor (SUNS) 6319 Monday 10 September 2007
Trade: UNCTAD warns of dangers of North-South FTAs
Geneva, 5 Sep (Kanaga Raja) -- North-South bilateral and regional free
trade agreements (FTAs) could weaken the multilateral trading system,
and reduce the scope for national policies that support development
and structural change in developing countries, the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) warned on Wednesday.
In its Trade and Development Report 2007, UNCTAD noted that as multilateral
trade negotiations in the framework of the World Trade Organization
(WTO) are slow to advance, there has been a proliferation of regional
and bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) or preferential trade agreements
(PTAs), many of them between developed and developing countries.
These deals often present tough choices for the governments of developing
countries and countries with economies in transition, and may be more
costly than expected, UNCTAD warned.
Such agreements may offer transitory gains in terms of market access
and higher foreign direct investment (FDI), but may also limit government
action that can play an important role for the medium- and long-term
growth of competitive industries.
Officials of developing countries should therefore think carefully before
entering into such agreements, the report stressed.
UNCTAD was of the view that the trend towards such agreements, sometimes
labelled "new regionalism," is a risky departure from multilateralism.
The report counselled that rather than subscribing to the "new
regionalism", developing countries may examine other areas of cooperation
with partners in the same geographical region and at a similar level
of economic development, in a spirit of a true regionalism (see below).
This could help strengthen their own strategies for national development
and integration into the global economy, building on the advantages
of proximity, similarity of interests and economic complementarity,
it said.
At a media briefing on Tuesday, UNCTAD Secretary-General Dr Supachai
Panitchpakdi said that developing countries should be careful in concluding
bilateral or regional trade agreements, and should instead seek trade
liberalization in a multilateral framework, while pursuing active policy
cooperation with developing countries in their own region or in geographical
proximity.
He also said that while North-South FTAs can offer some immediate gains
in terms of market access and higher FDI inflows, they tend to bind
the hands of governments and reduce policy space.
In response to a question, Supachai said that there have been some successful
bilateral agreements as well as some unsuccessful ones. It depends on
how much countries are tying the FTAs with their own long-term development
strategies.
In response to another question, Supachai pointed to the work that UNCTAD
was undertaking on South-South economic cooperation. He said that this
was driven mainly by the emergence of economies like China. He drew
attention to the role that China
has played in investment. China
is doing more in terms of generating outward investment particularly
into other developing countries.
The report said that the number of bilateral and regional trade agreements
officially reported to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/WTO
increased from 20 in 1990 to 86 in 2000 to 159 in 2007. Many of the
new pacts have been between developing and developed countries, thus
increasing the proportion of treaties between them from 14% of the total
number of agreements in 1995 to 27% in 2007.
The United States
has been the most energetic in negotiating FTAs, particularly with developing
countries. The EU, too, already has bilateral FTAs in various forms
with developing countries in all regions, as well as with economies
in transition, and it plans to conclude more of them.
The trend towards North-South bilateral or regional trade agreements
partly results from a sense of frustration of some governments with
the slow progress in multilateral trade negotiations, said the report.
But bilateral and regional deals threaten the coherence of the multilateral
trading system, the report warned, and may limit the benefits of existing
regional cooperation arrangements among developing countries.
Bilateral North-South FTAs have the potential to provide the developing-country
partner with considerable new trading opportunities, as witnessed by
the sharp increase in Mexican manufacturing exports after the conclusion
of NAFTA. Such FTAs may also attract more FDI to the developing-country
partner.
But there can also be potential disadvantages for developing countries,
because such FTAs generally demand far-reaching liberalization of foreign
investment and government procurement, new rules on certain aspects
of competition policy, stricter rules on intellectual property rights,
and the incorporation of labour and environmental standards.
Moreover, many FTAs oblige developing countries to undertake much broader
and deeper liberalization of trade in goods than that agreed under WTO
arrangements.
In addition, said the report, while their commitments in the WTO already
reduced the policy space that developing countries had at their disposal
to influence the manner of their integration into the global economy
and the possibility for developing internationally competitive domestic
industries, many of the elements of such FTAs reduce that space even
further, in some cases very significantly.
Because they involve reciprocal commitments, FTAs between developed
and developing countries eliminate the special and differential treatment
that may be granted to developing countries in the context of other
agreements.
The reciprocity principle in North-South FTAs places developing countries
at a disadvantage vis-a-vis their developed-country partners, as they
typically enter into the liberalized trade relationship at a less advanced
stage of domestic industrial development, implying lower supply and
marketing capacities.
Moreover, the possibilities of developing countries to benefit from
the investment provisions of these FTAs are limited. In order to comply
with the principle of reciprocity, developing countries are also forced
to cut tariffs from significantly higher levels, especially on industrial
products.
The benefits that developing countries can obtain in North-South bilateral
negotiations are circumscribed by their usually weaker bargaining power
and the limited negotiating flexibility of their developed-country partner.
This is due to a combination of strong pressure from domestic lobbies
and limitations imposed by existing national legislation, as in the
case of the United States,
or complex governance and decision-making processes, as in the case
of the EU. For example, these factors have made it especially difficult
for the major developed countries to accept a reduction or elimination
of agricultural subsidies as a negotiable issue in bilateral agreements.
Consequently, said the report, developing-country partners in bilateral
trade agreements are deprived of perhaps the most important potential
source of increased market access in the major developed countries.
"The gains for developing countries from improved market access
are far from guaranteed, whereas the loss of policy space is certain,"
the report said.
It added that it is "in the interest of developing countries that
the multilateral trade negotiations advance, but with a stronger development
dimension built into international trade rules."
The report also noted that FTAs or PTAs often include provisions that
extend beyond current WTO rules and regulations in areas such as investment,
intellectual property rights, competition policy and government procurement.
Or they cover areas that have been excluded from the agenda of multilateral
trade negotiations.
As a result, many of these provisions reduce the options for developing
country policy-makers to carry out proactive policies in support of
industrialization and structural change.
One factor limiting market access in an FTA or RTA is the restrictiveness
of rules of origin for goods exported by the developing-country partner,
which, in the case of NAFTA, have been found to offset the advantage
of a preferential tariff.
Market access hopes may be additionally frustrated by developed countries'
frequent use of non-tariff barriers, such as safety regulations and
anti-dumping measures, that hinder imports from developing countries.
On the other hand, under an FTA, a developing country is also expected
to grant improved access to its own market for suppliers of the developed
country partner through the reduction or elimination of tariffs and
often also non-tariff barriers.
The elimination of tariffs and other trade barriers in almost all categories
of goods removes important and powerful instruments of industrial and
agricultural policy, which, in addition to protecting its infant industries,
are often indispensable for improving the developing country's supply
capacities in the long run, said the report.
One particular aspect of market access is government procurement, an
area covered by the WTO through a plurilateral agreement that is not
obligatory, and indeed few developing countries have signed up to it.
Yet, many FTAs already include not only transparency of government procurement,
but also of market access, and the FTA partners are given national treatment
rights to compete for government procurement.
The report noted that bilateral FTAs or RTAs also involve liberalization
of services with regard to cross-border trade in services as well as
the establishment of foreign service enterprises and their investments.
In contrast to the more development-friendly WTO positive list approach,
there is a tendency for developed countries, in particular the United States,
to convince developing countries to switch to a negative list approach,
which may not be to their advantage.
The inclusion of intellectual property rights (IPRs) in North-South
bilateral and regional trade agreements has also been viewed critically
by many observers, said the report.
Similar to other controversial issues in WTO negotiations, IPRs have
become an issue in bilateral and regional North-South agreements, with
some major developed countries seeking to pursue objectives that go
beyond the WTO TRIPS Agreement.
Thus, many regional and bilateral trade agreements reduce the possibility
for governments to set their own criteria for patentability or to use
other flexibilities, such as compulsory licensing, as a policy instrument.
For example, many recent FTAs involving the US do not allow
governments to issue compulsory licences except during declared states
of national emergency, or to prevent anti-competitive practices by the
patent holder, or for non-commercial public use. Furthermore, some FTAs
tend to extend the term of the patent beyond that contained in the WTO
TRIPS Agreement, among other means, by recognizing new patents for "new
uses" of an already patented product.
Thus, the developing country partner in bilateral FTAs can be expected
to incur additional costs as a result of IPR obligations that go beyond
the already onerous ones of the WTO TRIPS Agreement, since most patents,
copyright and other forms of intellectual property (IP) are mostly owned
by foreigners.
In sum, said the report, bilateral North-South FTAs have the potential
to provide the developing-country partner with considerable new trading
opportunities. However, preferences negotiated by one developing country
with a developed partner may quickly be eroded if the same developed
country also concludes FTAs with other developing countries.
Moreover, if future North-South FTAs are modelled on those that have
been negotiated so far, it is likely that they will considerably reduce
or fully remove policy options and instruments available to a developing
country to pursue its development objectives.
In their bid to include chapters on the "Singapore issues", such as investment,
competition policy and government procurement, and other areas that
have been excluded from the agenda of the multilateral trade negotiations,
FTAs are thus a major vehicle for deeper integration.
They lock in orthodox policy reforms that have a fairly modest record
in terms of enhancing growth and structural change in developing countries
and whose underlying principles have come under increasing criticism,
including from within the international financial institutions.
Thus, it would be prudent for developing countries to be cautious and
not to rush into North-South bilateral or regional FTAs. When assessing
the potential economic and social benefits and costs of entering into
such agreements, they should take into account not only the potential
impact on exports and imports arising from market opening, and possible
increases in FDI, but also the impact of these agreements on their ability
to use alternative policy options and instruments in the pursuit of
a longer term development strategy.
Rather than subscribing to the "new regionalism", which promotes
the extension of TNC activities in the developing world, developing
countries may examine other areas of cooperation with partners in the
same geographical region, in the spirit of true regionalism.
The report said that active regional cooperation can strengthen development
strategies and ease integration into the global economy.
Despite the overall trend towards globalization, regional integration
among developing countries can be beneficial for long-term development,
and can help these countries develop their economic capabilities and
leave them fit to compete on the global stage.
But in order to achieve this, said the report, countries should not
only rely on trade liberalization, but that regional cooperation should
also include coordinated and joint action in policy areas that strengthen
the potential for growth and structural change in developing countries,
including macroeconomic, financial, infrastructure and industrial policies.
There appears to be an untapped potential for closer regional cooperation
among developing countries in these areas, which could also add policy
options to those available at the national level.
Regional cooperation between developing countries to improve transport
facilities, provide commercial information, and pool efforts in such
areas as energy, water supply, research and development, and knowledge
generation can be crucial for the success of development strategies.
Geographical proximity still offers considerable advantages in a time
of economic globalization, and regional cooperation among developing
countries has the potential to support national development plans and
to compensate for some of the gaps in global economic governance.
For many developing countries, a regional orientation involving partners
at a similar level of development may be a more viable option than an
exclusive focus on the world market, said the report.
The report noted that over the past 20 years, intra-regional trade in
all developing regions has expanded faster than extra-regional trade.
Intra-regional trade has expanded the most rapidly among the developing
countries of East Asia since the mid-1980s,
and today represents almost half of that region's total trade. In Africa, although the share of intra-regional trade in its
total trade has also increased, it is still less than 10% of its total
trade. Intra-regional trade in Latin America, excluding Mexico, has grown significantly since
the late 1980s, to reach close to 30% of its total trade.
According to UNCTAD, it is not only the relative pace of trade expansion
that makes regional integration a promising strategy for accelerating
economic development. More important is the composition of intra-regional
exports. This has a strong influence on long-term growth.
In all regions, the share of manufactures, including those that are
relatively skill- and technology-intensive, in intra-regional trade
has been considerably higher than the share of such goods in total trade.
The clear implication is that heightened regional economic activity
supports industrial upgrading and diversification.
The report found that there are apparent "geographical biases"
related to trade and economic growth. Formal cooperation schemes are
easier to arrange among neighbours; proximity results in lower transport
costs; tacit knowledge develops based on repeated interactions; and
spillovers of technology and business practice are more likely because
of similarities in climate, culture, language, and other factors.
Cooperation should extend into public policy, from improving trade logistics
and transport and energy infrastructure to developing closer financial
cooperation and coordinated or common approaches in monetary and industrial
policy, said the report.
Recognizing that multilateral disciplines could lead to a narrowing
of national policy space for developing countries, regional economic
cooperation can provide some means to help countries cope better with
globalization. From this perspective, regional institutions could fill
gaps in global economic governance structures, for example, by providing
protection against exchange rate volatility.
But there is no blueprint for such cooperation: "The form that
such cooperation takes will depend not only on the specific historical,
geographical and political circumstances in a region, but also on the
relative weight given to market forces and State intervention".
Promising areas of active regional cooperation can include apparently
simple measures, such as trade and transit facilitation and the dissemination
of commercial information, said the report.
In addition, the report noted that regional cooperation may help developing
countries deal with shortcomings in the international financial system
in three areas: provision of regional payment facilities and short-term
balance-of-payments financing; provision of long-term development finance;
and protection against exchange rate volatility and currency misalignments
that can distort trade flows and undermine fruitful trade relations.
Since the financial system at the global level lacks appropriate instruments
to reduce the volatility of international financial markets and its
impact on developing countries, regional cooperation in monetary and
exchange-rate policies has become an important issue in all developing
regions, the report observed.
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