International civil society represented by the undersigned organisations, having assessed the process and outcome of the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, reject the legitimacy of the Doha Ministerial Declaration as the result of an outrageous process of manipulation that is totally unacceptable for an international organisation.


The results of Doha have been shamelessly touted by developed countries and the Secretariat as a “development agenda” or a “development Round”. In our view, nothing could be further from the truth. Indeed, the Doha Declaration and its work programme can best be called “Everything But Development.”   It is a development disaster.

The Declaration has committed the WTO to negotiate agreements on the four “Singapore Issues” (investment, competition, transparency in government procurement, trade facilitation) after the 5th Ministerial - despite the opposition of a large number of developing countries and thousands of NGOs and social movements worldwide. By advancing the march of these topics into the WTO system, Doha has brought nearer a development disaster of great proportions as the proposed new agreements would close off many development policies and possibilities and result in re-colonisation and unprecedented powers to global corporations at the expense of sovereignty and people’s rights and needs.

Fortunately several developing countries before the Ministerial text was agreed to, at the last moment, were able to obtain a compromise in the form of a Chairman’s statement that an explicit consensus is needed before negotiations can proceed on the four issues. We believe that this statement is the authoritative decision on the Singapore issues. We call on all governments in the discussions ahead to reject the start of negotiations and to remove these issues from the WTO.

The Doha Ministerial Declaration also:

(a) does not make any significant progress on developing countries’ implementation concerns, and thus the immense problems arising from the existing WTO agreements will intensify;

(b) does not make a real commitment to support the concept of food sovereignty through the reduction of direct and indirect support for export as well as the dumping of artificially cheap food exports to developing countries and does not offer meaningful protection to small farmers especially in developing countries, thus enabling the decimation of farmers’ livelihoods worldwide;

(c)     does not resolve any of the negative consequences of the TRIPS Agreement, including biopiracy and prevention of the fulfilment of basic consumer rights, despite the political statement on TRIPS and public health (which does not add legally to the rights of states to take public health measures);

(d)   launches  negotiations for market access on industrial products which will pressurise  developing countries to further reduce their tariffs, and threaten many with further deindustrialisation, closure of local firms and job losses;

(e)   facilitates the liberalisation and privatisation of natural resources such as water in the guise of eliminating barriers to environmental goods and services, and this threatens people’s rights worldwide to water and other natural resources.

(f)   Reduces and trivialises substantial development concerns as matters of technical assistance and “capacity building” in an attempt to push developing countries on to negotiations.


The major reason for the disastrous outcome was the manipulative and discriminatory process that has brought more shame to the WTO, its Secretariat and the major developed countries.

A vast number of developing countries had opposed negotiations on the new issues and industrial tariffs as well as the establishment of a Trade Negotiations Committee and a “single undertaking”. This opposition was clear before and at Doha. And yet, their views were consistently brushed aside and in the end the countries were pressurised to accept a Declaration which did not reflect their positions.

A set of manipulative tactics and non-transparent, undemocratic processes was planned and used by the WTO Secretariat and the major countries to push through the interests of the latter.

Before Doha, the  manipulations included:

(a) The production of two drafts of the Declaration by the Chairman of the General Council and the Director General that mainly reflected the developed countries’ views and did not contain the positions of most developing countries, despite their many protests and specific proposals.

(b) The transmission of a draft Declaration to Doha by the General Council chairman and the WTO Director-General despite the protests of many developing countries that their views were not reflected; and their demands that at least an annex or cover letter reflecting their views were also totally ignored;

(c) The tactic of conducting consultations in which views of Members were sought but only the views of one set of countries were presented in a Draft Declaration that did not contain options nor show the differences of views, and thus pretended to be a consensus text, thereby putting developing countries at a grave disadvantage at Doha.

At Doha, the manipulations included:

(a) The undemocratic and untransparent appointment by the Conference Chairman of six “friends of the Chair” as “facilitators” with powers to consult and draft on selected contentious issues.  All the “facilitators” came from the pro-New Round camp of countries.  No rationale or criteria for the discriminatory selecting of the facilitators nor approval for the system was sought before hand.

(b) The façade of conducting consultation on various issues was maintained, but again the views of a majority of developing countries (especially on not wanting negotiations on the new issues) were ignored in the two new drafts of the Ministerial Declaration that were produced in Doha.

(c) The holding of a final Green Room meeting for only 24 countries on the night of November 13 which lasted till 5 a.m. during which intense pressure was applied to countries opposing the new issues.  The criteria of which countries were chosen, why, by who, and the process of negotiations in the Green Room were not agreed to nor known.

(d) The production of an avalanche of drafts and texts during the Conference, without any transparent process as to who produced them, and on what basis;  and the emergence of a “final draft” on 14 November which countries were pressured to accept.

(e) The intense time pressure under which the developing countries were put under, forcing them to accept decisions for which they had no or little time to consider properly.

(f) A combination of “carrots and sticks” and the misuse of economic and political power by developed countries applied to several developing countries was also part of the pressures.


Given the above processes, the outcome of Doha, especially the Ministerial Declaration and the work programme, does not have public legitimacy.

We condemn the non-transparent, discriminatory and rule-less or arbitrary methods and processes presided over by the WTO Director General and the Secretariat and directed by the major developed countries.  Such behaviour and processes are particularly disgraceful for an international organisation that boasts that its core principles are transparency, non-discrimination and the rule of law.

We therefore commit ourselves to raise public awareness worldwide on the disastrous implications of the Doha outcome, and the processes of shame that produced the outcome.

We also commit ourselves to fight against the disastrous aspects of the post-Doha work programme of the WTO and against the undemocratic nature of the WTO system.

We reaffirm the principle that The world is not for sale.  Our priority is to promote people’s rights worldwide and to protect Nature. The world trading system, and the world economic system in general, must serve people, especially the poor, and not continue to be distorted to serve big corporations and an elite  minority.

Organizations supporting or endorsing this Statement:

Adey Environmental Protection and Development Association

Africa Trade Network

Afro-Asian Institute (Austria)

Alliance for Democracy (USA)

Alliance of Progressive Labour (Philippines)

Amis de la Terre (France)

AM-Net (APEC Monitor NGO Network, Japan)

Anti Globalisation Network

Arab NGO Network for Development

Asia Indigenous Women’s Network

Asian Regional Exchange for New Alternatives-ARENA (Hong Kong)

ASOCODE (Honduras)

Association Solagral (France)

ATTAC (France)

ATTAC (Berlin)

Australian Fair Trade and Investment Network Limited

Australian Greens

Awami Committee (Pakistan)

Bayan (Philippines)

Begegnungszentrum fuer aktive Gewaltlosigkeit (Austria)

Berne Declaration (Switzerland)

Belgian Cooperation (Belgium Embassy, Ethiopia)

Blueridge Institute (Switzerland)

Biological Society of Ethiopia

Carribean Gender and Trade Network

Carribean Association for Feminist Research and Action

Centre for Study of Global Trade System and Development (India)

Chile Sustentable (Chile)

Citizens of Lee Environmental Action Network -CLEAN (USA)

CNOC-Via Campesina (Guatemala)


Coalition for Jobs and the Environment (USA)

COECOCeiba-FoE Costa Rica

Collectif des ONG au Lebanon (Lebanon)

Consumers’ Association of Penang (Malaysia)

Consumers Education Trust of Uganda-CONSENT

Committee for the Defence of Human Rights-CDHRB (Bahrain)

CorpWatch (USA)

CORPORACION Region (Colombia)

Council of Canadians (Canada)

CTERA (Argentina)

Cumberland Countians for Peace and Justice (USA)

DAWN Southeast Asia

Development Innovations and Networks (Zimbabwe)

Development VISIONS (Pakistan)

Devil’s Fork Trail Club (USA)

Drug Study Group -DSG (Thailand)

Earths Rights Institute (USA)


EcoPravo-Kyiv Environmental Law NGO (Ukraine)

ECOROPA (France)


Environmental Development Action (Ethiopia)

Environmental Monitoring Group (South Africa)

Environmental Protection Bureau of Addis Ababa (Ethiopia)

Equations (India)

EWNHS (Ethiopia)

Finnish WTO Campaign (Finland)

Flemish Support Group for Indigenous People - KWIA

FOBOMADE (Bolivia)

Focus on the Global South

Food First/Institute for Food and Development Policy (USA)

Forum for Environment (Ethiopia)

Foundation The Court of Eden

Friends of the Earth (England, Wales, N.Ireland)

Friends of the Earth Finland

Friends of the Earth France (Les Amis de la Terre)

Friends of the Earth International

Friends of the Earth Malaysia/Sahabat Alam Malaysia

Friends of the Earth Netherlands

Friends of the Earth Norway

Friends of the Earth Paraguay (Sobrevivencia)

FSPI-Via Campesina (Indonesia)

Fundacion Solon (Bolivia)

GATT Watchdog (New Zealand)


German Worldshop Association (Germany)

Global Exchange (USA)

Groupo de Reflexion Rural (Argentina)

IBON Foundation (Philippines)

Instituto Latino Americano de Servicios Legales Alternativos (Colombia)

Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy - IATP (USA)

Institute for Cultural Ecology

Institute for Sustainable Development (Ethiopia)

Institute for the Relocalisation of the Economy (France)

Institute of Science in Society (UK)

Instituto del Tercer Mundo (Uruguay)

Integrated Rural Development Foundation (Philippines)

International Gender and Trade Network Asia

International South Group Network

Jubilee Kyushu on World Debt and Poverty (Japan)

Karnataka State Farmer’s Association -KRRS (India)

Legal Research and Resource Center for Human Rights

Living Education Center for Ecology and the Arts (USA)

Low Income Families Together -LIFT (Canada)

Mekrez Environmental Club

National Labour Academy (Nepal)

National Working Group on Patent Laws (India)

NESSFE (Japan)

Network for Environmental and Economic Responsibility (USA)

Netzwerk gegen Konzernherrschaft und neoliberale Politik (Germany)

Organic Producers and Processors Association (Zambia)

Pacific Environment (USA)

Patrick Environmental Awareness Group (USA)

People-Centered Development Forum

Pesticide Action Network  (Colombia)

Pesticide Action Network (Indonesia)

Pesticide Action Network (Latin America)

Polaris Institute (Canada)

Project South: Institute for the Elimination of Poverty and Genocide (USA)

Public Citizens (USA)

Red de Permacultura Mexico

Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Ecology (India)

Rural Reconstruction Alumni and Friends Association (Thailand)

Save the Redwoods/Boycott the Gap Campaign (USA)

Sobrevivencia/Friends of the Earth (Paraguay)

StopMai Coalition (Western Australia)

Taking Responsibility for the Earth and the Environment -TREE (USA)

Texas Fair Trade Coalition (USA)

The Edmonds Institute (USA)

The Clinch Coalition (USA)

The CornerHouse (UK)

Third World Network

Transnational Institute (The Netherlands)

U.S. Greens Abroad (Japan)

UBINIG (Bangladesh)

Uganda Consumers Protection Association-UCPA

Union Aid Abroad-APHEDA (Australia)

Union Nacional Ecologica y Social (Venezuela)

United Church of Christ (USA)

Via Campesina

Virginians for Wilderness (USA)

Virginia Forest Watch (USA)

World Economy, Ecology and Development -WEED (Germany)

World Development Movement -WDM (UK)

World Fisherfolks Forum WFFP Sri Lanka

World Fisherfolks Forum WFFP Uganda

World Forum of Fisher Peoples WFFP India

World Rainforest Movement (Uruguay)


Youth Development Africa -YDA (Uganda)

Individuals supporting or endorsing this Statement:

David Howenstein, JAMBO International Center, Japan

James M Nordlund

Janet Montgomery

Jean Garinger


Julie Carlson, University for Peace consultant, Costa Rica

Kindeya G/Hiwot, Mekele University, Ethiopia

Magdalena Frey

Mr B.M.Phillips

Margaret Wisner, Canada

Peter Appleton

Peter Koch

Sara Tewolde, Mekele University, Ethiopia

Tim Quigley, University of Saskatchewan, Canada

Signatories as on Saturday, January 26, 2002

Organizations: 141

Individuals: 14